AMAC Magazine: Vol 16 - Issue 5

China's Ambition: The Destruction of America.

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CHINA’S AMBITION THE DESTRUCTION OF AMERICA MAGAZINE

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THE What to Watch for on Election Night—Signs of a Red Wave . . . Page 20

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THE Ask Before You Vote—It Matters! . . . Page 32

MAGAZINE

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LETTER FROM THE EDITOR

Dear AMAC Member, We hope you enjoy this issue of your AMAC Magazine . We are thankful for the over 2 million AMAC members who encourage us each day to lead as one strong, unified conservative voice! That gives us all great hope for the future of America. In one of the most divisive speeches ever delivered by a US president, Joe Biden labeled American families who support America-first policies (policies rooted in faith, family, and freedom) as a domestic threat. He couldn’t be more wrong. He is deceiving you. As the radical left forces Americans into pledging allegiance to an anti-American belief system, the Biden administration pushes for more government control and sees their concentration of power as good for you and for America’s future. To preserve the values of faith, family, and freedom, it matters whom we vote for this November. See page 32. AMAC Newsline writer Shane Harris’s article is one of my personal favorites. In a care- fully thought-out assessment, Harris breaks down the races and metrics that will determine whether Democrats hold the line or Republicans deliver a midterm wipeout. Check out this intriguing article on page 20. Conservatives across the country are tired of out-of-control spending, soaring crime, and governmental agency corruption. The public is losing confidence in Democrat leaders at the DOJ, the FBI, and the White House. There is a strong sense that these institutions are acting unfairly. If our institutions are politically corrupt, the impact is serious. How can we trust those leading America to make a major course correction in our dealings with Communist China? See page 26. Help us spread the word and remind your fellow citizens that AMAC is committed to defending the values that make our country great. Let us never lose hope and pray continuously for the future of our nation. May God bless you!

REBECCA WEBER

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PLEASE NOTE: This issue of the AMAC Magazine went to print on September 20, 2022.

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Expect the Unexpected — Surprises Are Inevitable in November

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What to Watch for on Election Night — Signs of a Red Wave

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Ask Before You Vote — It Matters!

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EXPECT THE UNEXPECTED Surprises Are Inevitable in November

E very two years, pollsters and pundits swarm over a few obviously competitive US House, Senate, and gubernato- rial races while generally ignoring many other contests collectively deemed “safe.” But history reveals that, even in so-called “wave” elec- tions, some “safe” seats become not only competitive but often result in unanticipated upsets. A particularly ironic example occurred in 1972 as Republican President Rich- ard Nixon won the presidential elec- tion in a landslide over Democrat George McGovern. Few observers were paying attention that cycle to the US Senate race in tiny Delaware, where three-term incumbent GOP Senator Caleb Boggs was running for an expected easy re-election. But, when the votes were counted, a 29-year-old unknown Democrat

had won a stunning upset. His name? Joe Biden. Fifty years later, that Joe Biden is an unpopular first-term US president, potentially leading his party into a major midterm defeat. There are numerous other examples of shocking election upsets going back into the previous century and before — although 19 th and early 20 th century upsets, especially in US Senate races, had different elec- toral conditions than those that exist today. Until 1914, for example, popu- lar votes for US Senators were cast, but the actual election was made by state legislatures. (Perhaps the most notable was the 1858 US Senate race in Illinois where Republican Abraham Lincoln got more votes than Demo- crat Stephen Douglas, but the Illinois legislature gave the election to Doug- las.) Before 1920, additionally, women

did not have the right to vote. And, until the 1970s, there was not truly universal suffrage. Reviewing only some recent exam- ples when wave elections occurred, we can see that even icons of the US House and Senate who had easily won many prior elections were, with little or no forewarning, swept out of office by voters. The 1972 example of Joe Biden was a rare instance of a contrarian upset, a winner from the party otherwise losing the election. The more typi- cal surprise occurs when a member of Congress, senator, or governor thought to be unbeatable is washed out by the wave. In 1980, for instance, Ronald Reagan ousted Jimmy Carter in a landslide, denying him a second term. But four powerful, iconic Democratic sena-

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tors, whose seats were thought to be guaranteed, also went down to defeat. Georgia Senator Herman Talmadge, chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, lost to a typewriter salesman, a Republican named Mack Mattingly. Idaho Senator Frank Church, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, was ousted by GOP Congressman Steve Symms. Washington Senator Warren Magnuson fell to GOP businessman Slade Gorton. And veteran Wiscon- sin Senator Gaylord Nelson lost to Republican Robert Kasten. In 1994, Newt Gingrich led a historic landslide upset that gave Republicans control of the US House for the first time in decades. That year, the GOP picked up 54 congressional seats. Among their opponents were some big Democratic names who were thought beyond challenge, including Speaker of the House Tom Foley (the first sitting speaker to lose reelection since the Civil War); Illinois Congress- man Dan Rostenkowski, Chair of the House Ways and Means Committee, who fell to an unknown 31-year-old GOP lawyer Michael Flanagan; and three-term Tennessee Senator Jim Sasser, who was defeated by a Repub- lican physician, Bill Frist, who later became Republican majority leader. In 2006, another wave year, Demo- crats won in a landslide in President George W. Bush’s last midterm, pick- ing up 31 US House and 6 US Senate seats. Three big-name GOP seniors were defeated, including Missouri Senator Jim Talent by Democrat Claire McCaskill, Virginia Senator George Allen by Democrat Jim Webb, and Montana Senator Conrad Burns by Democrat Jon Tester. continued on page 10

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In 2008, Barack Obama was elected president, and three Republicans initially thought safe lost — North Carolina Senator Elizabeth Dole to Democrat Kay Hagen, Oregon Senator Gordon Smith to Democrat Jeff Markley, and New Hampshire Senator John Sununu to Democrat Jeanne Shaheen. In 2010, another GOP wave, this time reflecting voter backlash over Obamacare, occurred in the first mid-term of President Obama. Republicans picked up 63 House and 6 Senate seats. Again, certain big Democratic names who were thought to be sure winners lost. In one of the biggest upsets in recent memory, Republican Scott Brown defeated Democrat Martha Coakley, who was running to fill Ted Kennedy’s vacant US Senate seat in Massachusetts. In Wisconsin, iconic Senator Russ Fein- gold lost to GOP businessman Ron Johnson. And, in Florida, incumbent Governor Charlie Crist, running as an independent, lost to Republican Marco Rubio, the former Republi- can Speaker of the Florida House of Representatives. The 2014 GOP wave saw the party pick up 13 House and 9 Senate seats. North Carolina Democratic Senator Kay Hagan, who had upset Elizabeth Dole six years earlier, was beaten by Republican Thom Tillis. Kansan third- party nominee Greg Orman, who was favored in the polls, lost to Republi- can Pat Roberts. In Illinois, the incum- bent Democratic governor was upset by his GOP opponent.

Donald Trump was the biggest surprise winner of the 2016 presiden- tial election, but there were also other surprises. Former Democratic Sena- tor Feingold of Wisconsin, who polls said would regain his seat, was again defeated by Republican Ron John- son. Polls also said Democrat Katie McGinty would win the vacant senate seat in Pennsylvania, but she lost to GOP nominee Pat Toomey, and, in Indiana, Democratic Senator Evan Bayh, who was running to reclaim a Senate seat he had retired from after having not lost an election for 30 years, was defeated by Republican Todd Young. Although 2021 was an off-year elec- tion, two states held races for gover- nor, and both were thought to be safe for Democrats. As it turned out, Republican Glenn Youngkin shocked political observers by upsetting former Democratic Governor Terry McAuliffe in Virginia. In New Jersey, incumbent Democratic Governor Phil Murphy barely defeated Repub- lican nominee Jack Ciattarelli, in spite of holding a double-digit lead in the polls just before Election Day. These are just some of the more notable upsets that have occurred in recent biennial national elec- tions. They were surprises primarily because the losers were figures who had won numerous previous elec- tions, were from states which favored their party, or they were ahead in pre-election polls. The latter factor has become a frequent reason why those who make election predic-

tions have been getting it wrong. For several cycles, many mainstream pollsters have been under-measur- ing Republican voters through the “weighting” of their raw data with assumptions about who would vote. Two polls Rasmussen and Trafalgar, however, have employed unorth- odox alternative methods in their polls and have been very successful in predicting outcomes. With only a few weeks to go, the polling for the 2022 elections is beginning to show that a number of Senate races in particular that were once thought safe could now be in play, including those in Colorado, Washington, Oregon, Pennsylvania, and Vermont. Polling by party for congressional races in 2022 reflects the national popular vote, which, because of large Democratic major- ities in California, New York, and Illi- nois, does not clearly indicate how individual House and Senate seats will turn out. If accurate generic polls have Republicans between one and five points ahead just before Election Day, that likely signals a red wave. Democrats would probably need to be ahead in the generic polling by more than four points to expect to retain their majorities when the votes are counted. Barry Casselman Barry Casselman is a long-time national correspondent who has covered and commented on presidential and mid-term elections since 1972.

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I T ’ S T IME TO S TOP THE W OKEIFICATION OF THE USM bGYG¦ d*

T his midterm election cycle, there is perhaps no sleeper issue with a higher potential to mobilize Republican voters than the wokeification of top US military leadership, which in recent years has raised deep concerns that the once- proud and warrior-like American mili- tary culture is now being infected with bureaucratic corruption and far-left racial and gender ideologies. Nothing better illustrates this pattern than the fact that virtually no one in the mainstream media has even acknowledged reports that Mark Milley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, drafted a resignation letter to former President Donald Trump in June 2020 (at the peak of the summer Black Lives Matter riots) that alleged Trump was “doing great and irrepara- ble harm” to the nation. “The events of the last couple weeks have caused me to do deep soul-searching, and I can no longer faithfully support and execute your orders as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,” Milley wrote in the leaked letter, which he never sent to the president. “I believe that you have made a concerted effort over time to politicize the United States military. I thought that I could change that. I’ve come to the reali-

reportedly spoke to a Chinese military official behind Trump’s back to prom- ise he would provide advance warn- ing in the event of a US attack. When that story broke in late 2021, Milley found himself on the receiving end of relentless criticism from conser- vatives and former military leaders, including an onslaught of calls for his resignation, requests for him to testify before Congress, and even accusations of treason. But, unsur- prisingly, Milley has thus far refused to step down. This pattern of bureaucratic insubor- dination has been readily apparent in other executive agencies for years. The idea, however, that high-ranking officials in the United States Armed Forces would actively work to under- mine the president is nothing short of a constitutional crisis. Unfortunately, the politicization of the military does not stop with Milley’s animosity toward a duly elected pres- ident. In recent years, the country’s military academies and training camps have become primary targets for the progressive left to spread fringe ideologies like Critical Race Theory and gender theory, forcing young people who just want to serve

zation that I cannot, and I need to step aside and let someone else try to do that.” Instead of submitting the letter and tendering his resignation, however, The New Yorker reported that Milley ultimately decided to remain in his role and “fight” Trump from within the administration — a clear act of insubordination. “F*** that s***,” Milley reportedly told his staff. “I’ll just fight him.” Milley’s decision underscores a grave threat to the military — one of the strikingly few remaining American institutions that still retains a degree of public trust and respect. As many conservatives have been quick to note following the leak of the letter, Milley’s attitude reflects the concern- ing belief of some high-ranking military officials that they have a right — or even a duty — to subvert the interests of a democratically elected Commander-in-Chief if they believe it is best. But, unfortunately, the leak of Milley’s letter is far from the only controversy surrounding his tenure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. In one especially damning incident, he

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rage” — lending credence to Critical Race Theory’s divisive rhetoric and further calling into question Milley’s judgment, as well as his integrity and commitment to nonpartisanship. In one of the most jarring instances of the left’s political weaponization of the military, Joe Biden — in perhaps the most divisive speech ever deliv- ered by a sitting US president — used the US Military as a political prop by forcing two Marines to flank him as he demonized the Republican Party as an “extreme threat to our democracy” and virtually declared conservatives to be enemies of the state. Furthermore, the wokeification of the military has yielded major concerns for national security and military preparedness: Biden Defense Secre- tary Lloyd Austin has suggested implementing “Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion” hiring standards, most commonly seen in left-wing corporate boardrooms and college campuses, in the military — a move that would place factors like race, gender, and sexual orientation ahead of merit for determining promotions and commendations. The downstream effects of this woke takeover of the military are already having a dangerous impact on the military’s state of readiness. In August of last year, the US suffered what is arguably the greatest military humiliation in American history with Biden’s disastrous Afghanistan with- drawal, which led to the death of 13 servicemembers and the surrender- ing of $85 billion worth of American military equipment to the Taliban. At the same time, every branch of the military is struggling to reach its

recruiting goals, with some branches predicting a more than 40 percent shortfall in enlistees. At the soonest possible opportu- nity — which could come in January 2023 when the new Congress begins — Republicans must do everything in their power to halt the corruption of the military and restore its apolitical reputation. Though significant insti- tutional change might not be possi- ble until a Republican once again occupies the White House — at which point policies like the Trump admin- istration’s proposed Schedule F plan (which would empower the president to fire thousands of rogue bureau- crats) could take effect — a Republi- can majority in Congress must use every tool at its disposal to force the Biden administration and top military leaders to stop the woke radicaliza- tion of the military. As threats from foreign adversaries like China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea continue to escalate, a strong American military could very well be the last thing standing between inter- national stability and chaos. For the good of the United States — and of the world — every American citizen should hope the next Congress can reverse this dangerous trend before it’s too late. Seamus Brennan Seamus Brennan served in the Trump Admin- istration at the US Department of Agriculture. Previously, he interned at the White House and The Heritage Foundation. He is a graduate of the College of the Holy Cross.

SM ILITARY

their country into pledging allegiance to an anti-American belief system. Under the Biden administration, the Navy Professional Reading Program added books to their reading list that openly promote these ideas — includ- ing How to Be an Antiracist , a book by Critical Race Theorist Ibram X. Kendi, which explicitly argues that “the only remedy to past discrimination is pres- ent discrimination” and that “capital- ism is essentially racist.” In a June 2021 congressional hearing, Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Michael Gilday, when questioned by Senator Tom Cotton (R-AR) on whether or not he agrees with Kendi’s assertion that capitalism is racist, shockingly refused to answer the question — instead insisting that he would “have to go back to the book to take a look at that.” Moreover, in June of this year, the Navy was blasted for compelling new recruits to watch training videos on “proper pronoun usage.” During a congressional hearing in 2021, in response to questions about the inclusion of these and other objec- tionable materials on reading lists at military academies, Milley justi- fied the decision by announcing that he wants to “understand white

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Government Spending Creates Untethered Inflation

I n 2022, inflation has reared its ugly head. In April last year, the consumer price index (CPI) topped four percent on an annual basis for the first time in decades. Fed Chair- man Powell told us that inflation was “transitory.” But as the months dragged on, the price increases became more widespread. Housing prices, whether rental or for purchase, accelerated. And even if you aren’t looking for a new place to live, it is hard to miss the increase in food and energy prices. Wages have acceler- ated in 2022, though as a whole not as quickly as the general price level. By June, annual CPI growth exceeded nine percent. How did we get here, and what are the implications going forward?

Coming into 2021, COVID disruptions were impacting our ability to obtain goods and services. But supply chains were broken at a fundamental level. COVID merely exposed this. Trans- portation systems were also broken. A growing labor shortage was exacer- bated by accelerated retirements and government incentives not to work. Droughts, COVID-related shutdowns in China, and a war in Europe all worked to make the supply situation worse. Meanwhile, overall govern- ment spending quickly exceeded pre-COVID levels. Where did people get the money to spend? First, consumers were generally in good shape going into the COVID shutdowns. Then the government poured money into

individuals’ and businesses’ collec- tive pockets. Hello, Biden admin- istration — the solution to supply disruptions and shortages is not to spend trillions to stimulate demand! But the Biden administration didn’t just spend. It also restricted supply through a heavy-handed regulatory policy. As an example, the adminis- tration has sent a powerful message to energy companies and investors that has discouraged investment in supply. The results can be seen at the gas pump. To sum up the situation, there’s too much money chasing restricted supply. The Fed belatedly recog- nized this and is now attempting to squeeze the money supply to tamp down demand. We’ve seen the first continued on page 16

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signs of some success in the hous- ing markets, as the sharp increase in home prices appears to be abating. But other than the cost of home and auto loans, rising interest rates are not likely to have a huge impact on overall consumer demand. On the other hand, rising inter- est rates and fears of recession are causing businesses to increase their cautiousness and reduce their spend- ing plans. The ironic result is that supply throughout the economy may become more restricted than demand in this rising interest rate environment. The upshot is that the level of inflation is likely to be vola- tile, and at the same time, it is likely to persist at higher levels than in the recent past.

Unfortunately, the only way the Fed can significantly slow inflation down when the government’s over- all policies are inflationary is with an excessively restrictive monetary policy. As long as the federal govern- ment’s policies entail a combination of over-meddling, overspending, and anti-growth policies and rhetoric, only a massive restriction of monetary policy that drives the economy into a significant recession is likely to put the brakes on inflation. We’re not sure how far the Fed will go, but at some point, when the pain increases enough, we think the Fed will take a breather. We’re “guessti- mating” that inflation will remain in the four to six percent range for the next several years with several large

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article represent those of the individual author. Stephen Fauer, CFA Stephen Fauer is Chief Investment Officer of Pinnacle Capital Management, LLC in E. Syra- cuse, NY. He has served in that capacity since the firm's founding in 2006. He oversees all separately managed accounts and serves as portfolio manager to the firm's NYSAFE L.P. fund. He is a 1980 graduate from Michigan State University and earned his MBA in Finance from New York University in 1984. swings — up and down — in interim periods. It’s not necessarily what you want to hear, but that’s the outlook as we see it.

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ADVERTORIAL

Wireless without the wokeness. PureTalk shares your conservative values. Wireless without the PureTalk shares your conservative values.

D id you know you don’t just vote in November? You vote every single month with the money you spend and the companies you spend it with. Do you ever wonder if your big wireless carrier gives millions to liberals to support their agendas? That may be true of companies like Verizon, AT&T, T-Mobile and Consumer Cellular, but it’s not the case with PureTalk. AMAC has proudly endorsed PureTalk for many years. Thousands of members, just like you, switch to PureTalk every month. You may have heard of PureTalk from your favorite TV hosts on Fox News or while listening to one of the many conservative radio show hosts that use PureTalk service. They made the switch because PureTalk is really shaking up the cellular service industry. You get the same 5G network at half the cost, and you get the peace of mind knowing you are supporting a veteran-run business. It’s really a no-brainer. How much can I save with PureTalk? The average family of four saves over $800 per year by switching to PureTalk. Monthly plans for AMAC members start at just $10 per month but you can choose how much data you need from one of their six plan options. Plus, when you have more than one line, you can save an additional 10-20% off your total bill depending on how many lines you have. All of their AMAC plans include a FREE three-year AMAC membership for new customers and BONUS data each month exclusively for AMAC members. How much can I save with PureTalk? The average family of four saves over $800 per year by switching to PureTalk. Monthly plans for AMAC members start at just $10 per month but you can choose how much data you need from one of their six plan options. Plus, when you have more than one line, you can save an additional 10-20% off your total bill depending on how many lines you have. All of their AMAC plans include a FREE three-year AMAC membership for new customers and BONUS data each month exclusively for AMAC members. id you know you don’t just vote in November? You vote every single month with the money you spend and the companies you spend it with. Do you ever wonder if your big wireless carrier gives millions to liberals to support their agendas? That may be true of companies like Verizon, AT&T, T-Mobile and Consumer Cellular, but it’s not the case with PureTalk. AMAC has proudly endorsed PureTalk for many years. Thousands of members, just like you, switch to PureTalk every month. You may have heard of PureTalk from your favorite TV hosts on Fox News or while listening to one of the many conservative radio show hosts that use PureTalk service. They made the switch because PureTalk is really shaking up the cellular service industry. You get the same 5G network at half the cost, and you get the peace of mind knowing you are supporting a veteran-run business. It’s really a no-brainer.

What’s the catch? Why is it so much cheaper? What’s the catch? Why is it so much cheaper?

well on the PureTalk network, but they can’t be tied to an existing carrier contract or payment plan. If your phone is tied to a payment plan, it’ll need to be paid off first before you can bring it to PureTalk. You may also need to call and ask your current carrier to unlock the phone. If you aren’t sure if your current phone will work, we suggest you give PureTalk a call. PureTalk also offers the newest unlocked iPhones and Android phones for purchase on their website. You can choose to pay for it in full or to make monthly payments at 0% interest. Our conclusions: From what we’ve learned about PureTalk, we are confident they do what they say. Their service is equal to that of their largest competitors, but you pay a lot less. They have a 30-day risk-free guarantee, so customers have much to gain and nothing to lose. From what we’ve learned about PureTalk, we are confident they do what they say. Their service is equal to that of their largest competitors, but you pay a lot less. They have a 30-day risk-free guarantee, so customers have much to gain and nothing to lose. ‘We enthusiastically endorse PureTalk.’ KURT MEYER - Vice President, Strategic Partnerships & Membership Services, AMAC ‘We enthusiastically endorse PureTalk.’ well on the PureTalk network, but they can’t be tied to an existing carrier contract or payment plan. If your phone is tied to a payment plan, it’ll need to be paid off first before you can bring it to PureTalk. You may also need to call and ask your current carrier to unlock the phone. If you aren’t sure if your current phone will work, we suggest you give PureTalk a call. PureTalk also offers the newest unlocked iPhones and Android phones for purchase on their website. You can choose to pay for it in full or to make monthly payments at 0% interest. Our conclusions:

Many of the larger carriers include premium add-ons to their unlimited plans like Disney+ and Hulu. These aren’t free and those costs are baked into the cost of the plan, so you pay for it whether you use them or not. These larger carriers also have high overhead costs with operating brick and mortar stores that PureTalk doesn’t have. PureTalk is happy to pass the savings on to their customers, whereas the larger carriers just line their own pockets. PureTalk has 5G and covers 99% of Americans. PureTalk operates on the largest 5G and GSM networks, covering 99% of Americans. With PureTalk you’re getting the same exact network for much less cost. Check out their coverage map, and you’ll see just how extensive the coverage is. 100% U.S. Customer Service PureTalk operates on the largest 5G and GSM networks, covering 99% of Americans. With PureTalk you’re getting the same exact network for much less cost. Check out their coverage map, and you’ll see just We’ve all experienced the frustration of calling customer service and struggling to speak with someone halfway across the world. PureTalk customer support is 100% US-based. PureTalk is committed to keeping its customer support 100% in the USA. Can I keep my number, and can I use my current phone? Yes! You can definitely keep your same phone number. Most phones will work We’ve all experienced the frustration of calling customer service and struggling to speak with someone halfway across the world. PureTalk customer support is 100% US-based. PureTalk is committed to keeping its customer support 100% in the USA. Can I keep my number, and can I use my current phone? Yes! You can definitely keep your same phone number. Most phones will work Many of the larger carriers include premium add-ons to their unlimited plans like Disney+ and Hulu. These aren’t free and those costs are baked into the cost of the plan, so you pay for it whether you use them or not. These larger carriers also have high overhead costs with operating brick and mortar stores that PureTalk doesn’t have. PureTalk is happy to pass the savings on to their customers, whereas the larger carriers just line their own pockets. PureTalk has 5G and covers 99% of Americans. how extensive the coverage is. 100% U.S. Customer Service

Visit PureTalkUSA.com to learn more Visit PureTalkUSA.com to learn more

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THE GENIUS OF BICAMERAL LEGISLA AND THE COMPROMISES THAT GOT US

I am often struck by the wisdom and determination of our Founding Fathers to create a better form of government. Our system of govern- ment, despite any faults it may have, has endured. That the US Consti- tution came to fruition is amazing given the issues that made compro- mise so difficult. Among those was the formation of a bicameral legisla- ture — a separate Senate and House of Representatives. Separate legislative houses were nothing new in the 1780s. Britain’s House of Commons first met as a body apart from the nobility in 1341. However, the Articles of Confedera- tion set up the US government as a single branch with one house. The government’s weakness, punctu- ated by its difficulty dealing with a revolt by western Massachusetts farmers, led Congress to call a meeting to revise the Articles. This meeting became the Constitutional Convention, from which sprang our current Constitution. Early debates centered on the Virginia Plan presented on May

29, 1787, calling for a lower house elected by voters “proportioned to the Quotas of contribution [each state’s contribution in taxes], or to the number of free inhabitants” and an upper house elected by the lower house from candidates nominated by state legislatures. In addition to the power to make laws, the legislature was to elect a one-term executive and appoint judges to the national courts. Wary of the larger states, smaller states responded with the New Jersey Plan on June 15. This plan would have kept the Articles while substantially expanding their power. Importantly, it proposed a one-house legislature with each state having equal repre- sentation irrespective of population. James Madison, the primary author of the Virginia Plan, argued that domi- nation of the small states by the large states was unlikely, as the large states were so different from one another that they’d never successfully join in unison and dominate the smaller states. Alexander Hamilton took a different tack, arguing that states were artificial entities (he favored a strong central government) and that

small state representatives were just power seekers. Elbridge Gerry denounced the small states, saying that they “never were independent States, were not such now & never could be [ . . . ]. The States & the advo- cates for them were intoxicated with the idea of their sovereignty.” The small states stood their ground. On June 30, Gunning Bedford, Jr., a Delaware delegate, announced to the Convention, “The larger states proceed as if our eyes were already perfectly blind. [ . . . ] I do not, gentle- men, trust you.” Of course, the gentlemen he referred to included Washington, Franklin, Hamilton, and Madison, among others. He claimed that strictly proportional representa- tion would derail the union and threat- ened that the small states “would find some foreign ally of more honor and good faith, who will take them by the hand and do them justice.” This threat was shouted down as treasonous by several delegates. But fortunately, cooler heads prevailed. A decision was put off, and a committee consist- ing of one member from each state, which became known as the Grand

ŏî • AMAC Magazine

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1787, also known as the Connecticut Compromise or Sherman Compro- mise (after Roger Sherman). The report called for a lower house with one representative for every 40,000 inhabitants, utilizing three-fifths of each state’s slave population for this purpose. Benjamin Franklin modified Sherman’s proposal to make it more palatable to larger states by requir- ing that bills raising revenue would originate in the House. The compro- mise also called for a Senate with one vote per state. This compromise was opposed by several delegates, including Madison and others who believed in a strong national government. However, Rufus King of New York and Gouverneur Morris of Pennsylvania added one more compromise that gave each of

the state’s senators their own individ- ual vote. This was enough to secure an agreement and ultimately the rati- fication of the US Constitution. There were countless other issues that could have derailed the drafting and ratification of our Constitution. But when we reflect upon our votes this November, perhaps enthusias- tic about our candidates or unhappy with the choices before us, let us not forget the fortitude, determination, and goodwill of those without whom no such options would exist.

LATURE OT US HERE

Committee, was tasked with devel- oping a compromise. On July 5, the committee gener- ated its report, which became the basis for the Great Compromise of

Stephen Fauer, CFA

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